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The story so far
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The story so far
Material originated: 2006/04/10
Material last updated: 2006/01/31
Summary:
Ethnic identity in Britain is about minorities. Ethnicity is noticed because the individual is different from dominant forms of whiteness. 'I'm Jewish', 'I'm Black Caribbean' or 'I'm Pakistani' are statements of difference: 'I'm not English (or Scottish) White', for example. British people see the English, Irish, Scots and Welsh as nationalities, not ethnic groups.
GLIMPSES is supported by the Economic and Social Research Council.
Click » here for more about the Tomorrow Project's partnership with the ESRC. In-depth interviews in four areas in and around Manchester in the late 1990s revealed that white respondents were remarkably reluctant to identify themselves in any kind of ethnic terms. 'I see ethnic groups as anything other than my own' said one white, middle-class English woman, '...ethnic groups are anything that isn't British. And I suppose ethnic group then would be all coloured...'1Mike Savage, Gaynor Bagnall & Brian Longhurst, Globalization and Belonging, London: Sage, 2005, p. 183.
Non-white people comprised 7.9% of the UK population in the 2001 census – up from 6.6% a decade earlier.2Daniel Dorling & Bethan Thomas, People and places. A 2001 Census atlas of the UK, Bristol: Policy Press, p. 45. But this clearly understates the total ethnic population, since there are a number of ethnic groups that are not coloured.
Ethnic groups have a strong sense of identity. Many people, for example, identify more readily with their ethnic group than with being British. A 1994 survey found that 89% of respondents from ethnic backgrounds identified with their ethnic group, against 63% who thought of themselves as British (see chart below). More than 40% thought of themselves strongly in terms of their ethnicity.3Tariq Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities in Britain. Diversity and Disadvantage, London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997, p. 329.
Self-conceptions of minority ethnicity and British nationality
'In many ways I think of myself as (i) British, (ii) respondents' ethnic group'.
![]() Source: Tariq Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities in Britain. Diversity and Disadvantage, London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997, p. 329.
Ethnic identities are frequently constructed from a mixture of cultural traditions. The following pattern is a bit simplistic, but has been largely true in many cases:
Arrivals from abroad often expect to, and do, return home. Their identities remain focused on their countries of origin. In the 1990s for example, West African traders in North London retained a strong sense of homeland and tradition. They invested their identity in the countries they had come from rather than in the areas where they temporarily lived. They didn't do much Christmas shopping for people in Britain, for example, but they did use Christmas as an occasion to send things back home.4Daniel Miller et al., Shopping, Place and Identity, London: Routledge, 1998, pp. 163-164.
Frequently, temporary migrants have become unexpected settlers. In the 1960s for instance, many Bangladeshi migrants from Sylhet expected to return home after amassing some capital. But they could not save as much as anticipated, while relatives at home demanded ever more cash and presents. So, to their surprise, they became settlers in a country with very different traditions to their own. This strange culture heightened their awareness of their own heritage, which they clung on to (often tenaciously) to provide structure, stability and meaning to their lives.5Nilufar Ahmed, 'Tower Hamlets: Insulation in Isolation' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain. Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 195-196.The second generation frequently rejects their parents' traditions as they seek to integrate into British society. In the 1950s and 60s many – often very able – Commonwealth migrants worked in the lowest paid jobs, provoking a reaction among their children who wanted to join the mainstream and climb the ladder.
This new generation frequently asserted their Britishness as a way of gaining acceptance and minimising discrimination.6Tahir Abbas, 'British South Asian Muslims: State and Multicultural Society' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain. Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 9-13. Some young Sikhs today do not wear beards or turbans and scarcely speak Punjabi. They still see themselves as Sikhs but, unlike their parents, they hang loose to the religious dimension. The second generation can often feel ambivalent. They want to accent their Britishness, but fear a loss of cultural identity, especially among their children.
The Tomorrow Bulletin
Click » here to see our latest Bulletin. In the third generation attitudes become more varied. Some continue the path of assimilation, and identify weakly (or implicitly)7Jewish women in Brent Cross, London revealed a fascination for recognising other Jews through overheard conversations or gestures. Daniel Miller et al., Shopping, Place and Identity, London: Routledge, 1998, p. 168. with their ethnic history and traditions. In the 1990s, third-generation Cypriot youths in Wood Green, London no longer saw themselves primarily as Cypriot, as their parents had done, but described themselves as 'Greeks' and 'Turks' as part of the ethnic minority scene being constructed in North London.8Daniel Miller et al., Shopping, Place and Identity, London: Routledge, 1998, p. 173.
Others worry that their traditions and culture are being threatened by integration. They rediscover their heritage, but often in ways influenced by the surrounding British culture. Young Hindus may value the symbols of Hinduism, but see them less as symbols of religious faith than of belonging to a particular ethnic community.
Yet others pick-'n-mix from a variety of cultures to create new, distinctive identities. A new multi-ethnic dialect seems to be emerging, for example – a variant of English that includes words and sounds from cockney, Jamaican creole, Bengali and other languages. Used in inner-city London and being spread to other cities by a wave of successful London rap stars, it is becoming a standard way for ethnic minority teenagers to communicate across the racial divide.9'All raait! It's a new black-white lingo', The Sunday Times, 11 December 2005.
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Email your comments to GLIMPSES@btinternet.com. Not infrequently, individuals will adopt all three approaches at once.
Ethnic identities can be highly fluid, therefore, precisely because they are not given but constructed. Some members of Rwanda's diaspora around the world have relabelled themselves as 'Congolese' to dissociate themselves from the Rwandan atrocities in 1994. After 9/11 a number of Hindus and Sikhs asked no longer to be called 'Asian' because they did not want to be lumped together with Muslims. 'Black' has been redefined, referring, no longer to non-whites in general, but to people from a specific background – 'Black Caribbean' for example.
Muslim identity has begun to supersede identities based on countries of origin, particularly among south Asian communities. In the Tower Hamlets, East London Bangladeshi community, for example, young women reported that the Bengali aspect of their identity was less pronounced for them than for older women. 'More people know me as a Muslim; they don't know that I am a Bengali', said a 21 year old student.10Nilufar Ahmed, 'Tower Hamlets: Insulation in Isolation' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain. Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, p. 200. Though 74% of British Muslims are of south Asian origin, the younger generation seems to getting more 'Arabised'. A noticeable minority are adopting the religious habits, customs and clothing (such as the jilbab or niqab) of the Middle East.11Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran & Zein Ja'far, Living apart together. British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism, London: Policy Exchange, 2007, p. 41.
A number of factors have encouraged this growing emphasis on Muslim identity, not least:
Identity politics emerged as a strong trend in the 1980s and 90s. Organisations that had campaigned in the 1970s largely around multicultural issues, such as police treatment, immigration and housing, moved on in the 1980s to campaign for new issues like the provision of halal meat in schools, faith education and positive images of ethnic groups. By the 1990s 'diversity' had become a central concern of all institutions. This created an intellectual climate sympathetic to cultural forms of identity, of which Muslim identity was one.
Local and national government increasingly dealt with Muslim organisations. Politicians turned to religious leaders, seen as representatives of their communities. In East London, for example, funding declined for secular Bangladeshi community organisations during the 1990s but rose for religious ones, such as the increasingly prominent East London Mosque.12Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran & Zein Ja'far, Living apart together. British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism, London: Policy Exchange, 2007, p. 26. In 1997, faced by the growing number of Muslim groups competing for attention and resources, the government helped to establish the single umbrella body, the Muslim Council of Britain. This growing attention to Muslim groups helped to strengthen the sense of Muslim identity.Perceived threats to Islam have done most to encourage Muslim identity. These threats included, for instance, the publication of Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses in 1988, attacks on Muslims in the former Yugoslavia and of course the 'war on terror'.13The publication of The Satanic Verses in September in 1988 caused immediate controversy in the Islamic world due to its alleged irreverent depiction of the prophet, Muhammad. The important place of ummah, the global Muslim communion, in Islamic faith means that British Muslims have seen attacks on Muslims elsewhere in the world as attacks on them.
This has created fertile soil for radical groups to cultivate. Groups like Hizb al-Tahrir (which aims to establish an Islamic state without using violence) have exploited the renaissance of Muslim solidarity, and in so doing have enabled that solidarity to grow further and in some cases become more radical.14Parveen Akhtar, '(Re)turn to Religion and Radical Islam' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain: Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 172-176.
At the same time, worldwide attention has focused on Islam, usually ignoring the many differences that exist within it. A generation of Muslims is maturing and considering questions of personal identity. They are doing so in a context in which they feel they are seen as Muslims. Partly as a result, they have become markedly self-conscious of their Muslim identity.
Wider cultural shifts in society have helped Muslim identity take root. Older forms of class, religious and other types of identity have been in decline – reflected, for example, in the waning of trade unions, church attendance and the loyalty of many younger Muslims to the mosque and their community elders: research in 2006 found that many young adult Muslims had a highly personalised faith. They had a 'pick and choose' approach to religion, following only the rules that they personally valued. They preferred to be guided by their inner conscience rather than someone in authority.15Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran & Zein Ja'far, Living apart together. British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism, London: Policy Exchange, 2007, p. 53.
As older forms of identity have diminished, individuals search for new forms of belonging and meaning. For many in the new generation, a personalised approach to Islam provides meaning while the ummah community affords a sense of belonging. Being Muslim offers an identity that is different to the traditions of their parents.
Is this Muslim identity a form of religious or political identity? The experience of individuals of course varies. For some people, affirming their Muslim identity has a strong religious component: they are devout in saying their prayers and giving to charity. But for many others Muslim identity is mainly about making a visible statement of belonging to a group. In the highly charged atmosphere of the 'war on terror' and fears about a clash between Islam and the West, this statement is inevitably political.
For many it is a statement of Muslim solidarity. For a growing minority of young people it is a way of identifying with militant Islam. Opinion polls since July 2005 suggest that 100,000 people in Britain think that the 7/7 bombings in London were justified.16'The international terrorist threat to the UK', speech by the Secretary General of the security service, Dame Eliza Manningham-Buller on 9 November 2006, http://www.mi5.gov.uk. For a tiny but important minority, their Muslim identity requires active militancy.
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Click » here. Among many who see themselves as Muslim, might ethnic identity be in transition? Identification with the global Islamic communion complements or perhaps even becomes more important than being, say, Pakistani or Bengali.17Parveen Akhtar, '(Re)turn to Religion and Radical Islam' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain: Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 164-176. Could we be seeing not the (re-)emergence of religious identity, but the development of a new form of ethnic identity, centred on the ummah? (See also Religious identities » What might be the implications?)
Multiculturalism is being redefined, partly as a result of the spread of radical Islam. During the 1980s and 90s multiculturalism became the dominant view on how Britain's race relations should be conducted. Racial equality was understood, not as enabling ethnic minorities to become more like the dominant whites, but as the equal right of each ethnic group to assert its own identity.
Multiculturalism in Britain has a number of roots – not least:
The growing radicalism of some ethnic groups in the 1960s and 70s, as they demanded political equality in the face of economic discrimination, racist attacks and police brutality.
Mounting doubts about the West's superiority, including its intellectual tradition based on the 'Enlightenment'. Feminists attacked the tradition for being male-dominated, ex-colonies attacked it for giving rise to imperialism and the 'baby boom' generation attacked it for being authoritarian. In a new culture that championed liberation and choice, it was natural that ethnic groups should be given the freedom to affirm and develop their distinctive identities.
Britain's colonial tradition of 'indirect rule', which meant that multiculturalism seemed reasonable to the political establishment. Britain had maintained its empire by ruling through local chiefs and dignitaries, and by respecting local traditions as far as possible. As immigrants arrived from the ex-colonies, continuing to respect their cultures seemed entirely logical. Was it a coincidence that Britain with its decentralised history of empire should embrace multiculturalism whereas France, with its more centralising imperial tradition, sought to integrate its ethnic groups culturally?Britain's multicultural tradition has come under the spotlight following the 2001 riots among ethnic communities in several Northern cities, the spread of Islamic radicalism and the growth in net immigration. Increasingly the question is being asked: will all these new arrivals, together with ethnic groups already here, live comfortably with the rest of the population?
Some, like Trevor Phillips, Chair of the Commission for Racial Equality, believe that Britain has gone too far in a multicultural direction. Not enough is being done to encourage minorities to integrate with the rest of society. A better balance should be struck between affirming ethnic identities and encouraging identification with the whole of society.
Join the Tomorrow Network
For individuals with an interest in futures – free of charge. Members receive invitations to Network events involving distinguished speakers and regular briefings on emerging trends. To join the Network simply email richard.worsley2@btinternet.com. Some steps have been taken in this direction – for example, a stronger requirement for immigrants to demonstrate an understanding of British society before receiving citizenship. But other recent measures (such as legislation to ban incitement to religious hatred) may have the effect of reinforcing multiculturalism. Will this be the pattern in future – initiatives to protect multiculturalism on the one hand, but measures to put limits round it on the other?
Ethnic groups are spreading out. 'The UK remains a White desert with a few oases of colour, but these oases are spreading out.'18Daniel Dorling & Bethan Thomas,People and places. A 2001 Census atlas of the UK, Bristol: Policy Press, p. 36. Census data show that the Indian, Chinese, 'Other Asian' and Black Caribbean populations are moving out of the cities to more distant suburbs and small towns. People of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin remain very concentrated in particular areas, but they too have become somewhat more dispersed. Groups not (yet) spreading out appear to be the very recent new arrivals from countries without a tradition of sending people to Britain (such as Somalia). 'Increased segregation by ethnicity is not a feature of mainland Britain.'19Daniel Dorling & Bethan Thomas,People and places. A 2001 Census atlas of the UK, Bristol: Policy Press, p. 36.
1 Mike Savage, Gaynor Bagnall & Brian Longhurst, Globalization and Belonging, London: Sage, 2005, p. 183.
2 Daniel Dorling & Bethan Thomas, People and places. A 2001 Census atlas of the UK, Bristol: Policy Press, p. 45.
3 Tariq Modood et al., Ethnic Minorities in Britain. Diversity and Disadvantage, London: Policy Studies Institute, 1997, p. 329.
4 Daniel Miller et al., Shopping, Place and Identity, London: Routledge, 1998, pp. 163-164.
5 Nilufar Ahmed, 'Tower Hamlets: Insulation in Isolation' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain. Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 195-196.
6 Tahir Abbas, 'British South Asian Muslims: State and Multicultural Society' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain. Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 9-13.
7 Jewish women in Brent Cross, London revealed a fascination for recognising other Jews through overheard conversations or gestures. Daniel Miller et al., Shopping, Place and Identity, London: Routledge, 1998, p. 168.
8 Daniel Miller et al., Shopping, Place and Identity, London: Routledge, 1998, p. 173.
9 'All raait! It's a new black-white lingo', The Sunday Times, 11 December 2005.
10 Nilufar Ahmed, 'Tower Hamlets: Insulation in Isolation' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain. Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, p. 200.
11 Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran & Zein Ja'far, Living apart together. British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism, London: Policy Exchange, 2007, p. 41.
12 Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran & Zein Ja'far, Living apart together. British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism, London: Policy Exchange, 2007, p. 26.
13 The publication of The Satanic Verses in September in 1988 caused immediate controversy in the Islamic world due to its alleged irreverent depiction of the prophet, Muhammad.
14 Parveen Akhtar, '(Re)turn to Religion and Radical Islam' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain: Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 172-176.
15 Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran & Zein Ja'far, Living apart together. British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism, London: Policy Exchange, 2007, p. 53.
16 'The international terrorist threat to the UK', speech by the Secretary General of the security service, Dame Eliza Manningham-Buller on 9 November 2006, http://www.mi5.gov.uk.
17 Parveen Akhtar, '(Re)turn to Religion and Radical Islam' in Tahir Abbas (ed.), Muslim Britain: Communities under Pressure, London: Zed Books, 2005, pp. 164-176.
18 Daniel Dorling & Bethan Thomas,People and places. A 2001 Census atlas of the UK, Bristol: Policy Press, p. 36.
19 Daniel Dorling & Bethan Thomas,People and places. A 2001 Census atlas of the UK, Bristol: Policy Press, p. 36.
© 2005 The Tomorrow Project
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